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A Case Study:
How CARE is Responding in the Democratic Republic of Congo

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Brian Larson has spent the past three years as Country Director for CARE in the Democratic Republic of Congo. His previous posting was as Country Director in neighboring Burundi and he is very familiar with the Great Lakes Region. The Democratic Republic of Congo is preparing to hold elections for the first time in 45 years this coming Sunday (July 30) Larsen’s experiences in the country and the region help to put these elections in context.

How would you describe your experience with CARE in the Democratic Republic of Congo?

Being a Country Director for CARE in the Congo has not only been the most challenging but also the most fascinating experience of my career with the organization, which began in 1991. The Congo is the size of Western Europe or the U.S. east of the Mississippi River. It has only 1,500 kilometers of paved roads. Therefore, access to some of the remote areas where we work requires one to travel on some dodgy airlines as well as spend a day or two on the back of a motorcycle to reach an area. That is both challenging but also fascinating as you see the reality of how people live. Experiences like that also help you to better understand the constraints of our staff as they travel from one project area to another.

What were some of the greatest challenges you faced?

The two greatest challenges were dealing with the insecurity and instability that prevails and in dealing with corruption. CARE works in remote places that are isolated. For example, our emergency health project in the south of Maniema Province covers an area larger than Burundi and Rwanda combined. There was no United Nations presence in this area and there were times when Congolese government authorities, including the military, harassed our staff and physically intimidated them. We have also had staff poisoned in the eastern part of the country. There is strong possibility that that some of the staff who were poisoned were uncovering corruption.

Dealing with corruption consumed an inordinate amount of time—payments for civil servants are in arrears and understandably, government employees look for ways to earn their salary through other means. After all, they have children to feed and educate. I often came into contact with this in airports where I was frequently asked by officials to pay some type of fee—usually something that I had not paid in the past. Usually an explanation as to why I could not pay such a fee would suffice. And of course developing an anti-corruption organizational culture within a country where corruption is the norm is not easy.

What were some of the greatest sources of satisfaction?

Within the organization, seeing staff take on more and more responsibility and pride in the work they do. This truly gives one hope for the Congo as in the end, it will be the Congolese who must take the responsibility of rebuilding their country.

Externally, seeing the impact of some of CARE’s programs—particularly programs focusing on women and children who have been marginalized by society—those provided me with satisfaction.

Perhaps the biggest source of satisfaction came from being with the Congolese. I admired people’s joie de vivre in spite of the difficult conditions in which they lived. I referred to the kids who would help you park the car as “parking angels”. They were always so animated in helping guide you in to the parking space—people like them, and so many others, always brought a smile to my face.

What is the most interesting CARE project that we have in the DRC and why?

I have two favorite programs. The first is our program that works to get children out of armed groups and forces. The use of children in the military and militia in the Congo is horrendous and to me represents the worst form of child labor imaginable. Through our work in communities CARE was able to make contacts with military and militia leaders and convince them to release children. CARE then traced the child’s family and reunited them. There was nothing better than going to the center where these children were temporarily housed and see the smile on a child’s face when he was informed that his family had been located and he was going home.

The other program was the work that CARE did with survivors of sexual and gender based violence. Rape is used as a tool of war in the Congo. Two years ago I went with some of our Congolese staff to a remote area where a westerner had not been since before the war. 80 women who had been raped gathered to meet with us. When I left that group, there was a small group of men who asked to see me. They were husbands of women who had been raped. Through those conversations, I learned that not only did the women suffer the violence of the rape, they also had to suffer in silence as there was no medical care for them and they were viewed by society as damaged goods. Many of them were thrown out of their homes by their husbands and family—as if the rape was their fault. CARE worked with the Italian NGO, COOPI, on a joint program to provide medical care and psycho social support to these survivors—as well as to raise awareness about the larger issues within the community.

In your opinion, why is the DRC as a country struggling to make progress?

That is a complex question but at the end of the day, it comes down to bad governance—both at the Congolese level as well as at the international level. The Congolese government must fulfill its responsibilities to their citizens. Without a functioning judicial system, impunity reigns and no one is held accountable. At the same time, other governments must also be held accountable. Many of the resources that are illegally extracted from the Congo eventually end up in the hands of western consumers. Let us not forget that governance is not just about the Congolese government.

Why is the stability of the DRC so critical to the countries that surround it? What specific dangers does the DRC present to neighboring countries?

Nine countries border the Democratic Republic of Congo—it truly is at the heart of central Africa. If the Congo is not stable, this instability spills over into other countries—-in terms of refugees, illegal extraction of resources which fuel criminal elements and the illegal arms trade. If the Congo is not stable, groups who are adverse to neighboring governments can come across porous borders and not only disrupt the lives of Congolese citizens but also pose a threat to other countries.

In a recently released report by UNICEF, the DRC has the highest number of children who die every month as a result of conflict and treatable diseases. What makes this country so challenging from a humanitarian point of view?

Insecurity is probably the single biggest factor that contributes to the mortality rate. Where security can be assured, death rates will drop.

Are you hopeful for the upcoming elections?

Elections provide hope for resolving the humanitarian crises that since the beginning of the war in 1997, has claimed nearly 4 million lives.

You recently left the DRC, what was the mood in the country with regards to the upcoming elections? Are people hopeful or disillusioned?

I think that most people have elements of hope as well as disillusion. On 30 July, the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo will elect a new government for the first time in 45 years. Clearly, I believe that most Congolese want to vote and have hope that elections can bring an end to the humanitarian crisis. At the same time, people have seen the political process abused by people—both within the Congo as well as by external actors. They cannot help but be skeptical, although overall, I do think that hope prevails.

There have been rumors of possible violence after the elections, what are your thoughts about this and how would this impact the work of CARE on the ground?

As the DRC leads up to elections, the insecurity is increasing and the fear is that those people who lose in the elections, may return to fighting, in an attempt to maintain their power base. Principal access to resources in the Congo is through public office. As I mentioned before, without security humanitarian conditions will not improve. Without security, organizations like CARE are impeded in doing their work. The government and the international community must put in place measures to ensure stability after general elections.

CARE recently conducted an assessment mission in Katanga, one of the most insecure and challenged areas of the country. Despite evidence that more humanitarian help is desperately needed, it is still very difficult to raise funds. Why? Is the DRC, more specifically Katanga, what people call a 'forgotten crisis'?

I think it is fair to say that the DRC remains a forgotten crisis. Most people are not aware that nearly 4 million people have died in the Congo as the result of the war—the largest single country number of war-related deaths since WW II. Unfortunately aid is often based on political considerations as opposed to humanitarian need. There is enough food in the world to feed people—so why has WFP received only 58% of the funds needed to provide food for people who have been displaced or whose livelihoods have been disrupted by fighting? Again, decisions are made based on political and not humanitarian considerations.

Let's talk about natural resources in the DRC, one of the richest countries in Africa in terms of minerals and other resources. Who are the major players in this African country and how much influence do they exert on the political leadership?

Illegal resource extraction fuels conflict and this conflict has a tremendous negative impact on innocent people in the Congo. Obviously, there are a small amount of people who reap enormous economic benefits from this illegal extraction. It is in their interest that the conflict continues. Bringing good governance to the Congo would eventually bring an end to this illegal extraction and insure that profits and taxes derived from the Congo’s resources are invested for the benefit of her people.

What should be the role of humanitarian organizations in the Congo and of the international community as a whole?

The international community has spent over $400 million to help the Congolese elect a democratic parliament and must continue to provide support to insure that they can fulfill their role. The Congo does not have a history of good governance and they will need help. If a long term development approach to accompany the post election period does not occur, the international community will lose their investment and the Congo will revert to a humanitarian crisis. Long term development will cost money. There should be a link between funding and greater accountability and reduced corruption on the part of the government and all other entities including NGOs. Likewise, the international community should insist that other countries, are more accountable for their actions in the DRC.

Do you think CARE is doing enough in the DRC?

I believe that CARE is doing everything possible to not only respond to the humanitarian crisis but to also focus on longer term development initiatives that will result in a stronger civil society. A stronger civil society will be better prepared to play an active role in the country’s political processes. It is critical that members of civil society not only claim their rights but also assumes their responsibilities to hold themselves and their government accountable for the well-being of the Congolese people.

As a Country Director for CARE in the DRC, what have you learned?

Personally, I have learned to appreciate the many positive aspects about the Congo—the dynamism and resilience of the Congolese people, the music, and the natural beauty of the country. I have also learned that in a country as complex and unstable as the Congo, advocacy, and specifically, helping people’s voices to be heard by policy makers is key to making a lasting difference.

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